{"id":14407,"date":"2026-10-27T13:23:13","date_gmt":"2026-10-27T13:23:13","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/mpelembe.net\/?p=14407"},"modified":"2026-10-27T13:25:17","modified_gmt":"2026-10-27T13:25:17","slug":"political-erasure-and-the-case-for-structural-reform-in-zambian-state-media","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/mpelembe.net\/index.php\/political-erasure-and-the-case-for-structural-reform-in-zambian-state-media\/","title":{"rendered":"Political Erasure and the Case for Structural Reform in Zambian State Media"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Glass Cliff at Zambia Daily Mail: Historic Female Appointment Overshadowed by Newsroom Subversion<\/p>\n

Mon, July 26 2026 \/Mpelembe Media\/ \u2014 The Zambia Daily Mail Independence Day publication scandal erupted on October 23, 2026, when a special commemorative feature chronicling Zambia’s political history and presidential lineage systematically excised the country’s sixth Republican President, Dr. Edgar Chagwa Lungu. While portraits and historical narratives for all other post-independence heads of state were published, Dr. Lungu’s complete omission sparked immediate national outcry, political backlash from opposition quarters, and severe displeasure from both State House and the Ministry of Information. Subsequent internal forensic investigations revealed that Chief Sub-Editor Jackson Sitengu unilaterally deleted Dr. Lungu\u2019s portrait and textual references prior to transmitting press-ready files. Sitengu acted independently without approval from senior management, later explaining that he felt Dr. Lungu should be omitted due to ongoing political controversies surrounding his legacy and an unforced desire to align the publication with perceived state preferences.<\/p>\n

The administrative crisis unfolded just days after Emeldah Libanga Musonda was confirmed as the first female Managing Director in the newspaper\u2019s seven-decade history. Although Musonda had no prior knowledge of or involvement in the layout alteration, she accepted ultimate institutional accountability, authorized an unreserved public apology to the nation, and initiated formal disciplinary proceedings managed by Managing Editor Beavan Saluseki alongside human resources and legal teams. The scandal highlights major structural vulnerabilities in state-owned media, demonstrating how entrenched self-censorship, production pipeline loopholes, and potential bureaucratic resistance can undermine executive authority. It also illustrates the “glass cliff” phenomenon facing female leaders in public institutions, where new executives face asymmetric accountability for subordinate insubordination and legacy patronage friction.<\/p>\n

Rather than avoiding friction, the preemptive erasure produced a dramatic rebound effect, elevating the former president’s legacy to the center of national discourse and sparking intense debate over state media integrity. Media analysts and civil society bodies argue that resolving such crises requires structural reforms, including mandatory multi-signature digital workflow auditing, statutory editorial firewalls to insulate public newsrooms from political pressure, and codified objective standards to protect state historical archives from selective editing.<\/p>\n

Strategic Framework for State-Owned Media Reform and Democratic Governance in Zambia<\/h3>\n

1. Executive Context & Policy Mandate: Grounding Media Reform in Democratic Governance<\/h4>\n

Zambia\u2019s 2021 general election marked a critical juncture in the nation\u2019s post-2021 democratic transition, culminating in a peaceful transfer of executive power following the election of President Hakainde Hichilema of the United Party for National Development (UPND) over incumbent President Edgar C. Lungu of the Patriotic Front (PF). However, this transition occurred against a backdrop of severe economic contraction in 2020\u2014driven by declining global copper prices, high inflation, currency depreciation, a mounting sovereign debt crisis, and the COVID-19 pandemic\u2014compounded by a multi-year trajectory of institutional democratic backsliding observed since 2016. Between 2016 and 2021, the Zambian political landscape experienced structural political polarization, a systematic narrowing of civic space, selective police enforcement of the Public Order Act, severe infringements on freedom of expression, and the arbitrary state-sponsored shutdown of major independent news platforms, notably\u00a0 The Post\u00a0 newspaper in 2016 and Prime TV in 2020. Central to this democratic erosion was the systematic capture of the state communications apparatus by incumbent political cadres, granting structural electoral advantages to the ruling regime while severely suppressing opposition outreach. Rebuilding institutional integrity, democratic legitimacy, and public trust in Zambia\u2019s governance architecture necessitates an immediate overhaul of state-owned media.<\/p>\n

To quantify the structural tilt of the public communications ecosystem during the 2021 election campaign, empirical content monitoring reveals a stark, systematic pro-government bias across state-owned print, radio, and television channels when compared to the broader media landscape. Rather than operating as neutral public assets bound by constitutional mandates of fair representation, state media outlets functioned as partisan campaign channels for the ruling party, violating statutory reporting obligations.<\/p>\n

Media Outlet \/ Entity,Sector \/ Type,Coverage Alignment & Tone (2021 Campaign),Compliance with Legal Mandates & Fair Reporting Standards,Primary Empirical Indicators & Operational Observations<\/p>\n

Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation (ZNBC),State-Owned Public Broadcaster (TV\/Radio),Overwhelming Pro-Government \/ PF Bias,Non-compliant with statutory duty under Electoral Process Act (Sec. 29) to provide fair and balanced coverage.,”Out of 408 political publications on Facebook (July 26\u2013Aug 8, 2021),\u00a0 306 were positive toward ruling PF\u00a0 vs.\u00a0 2 positive toward opposition UPND . Maintained pro-government bias to a degree that stripped its journalistic credibility; gained 82,000+ Facebook followers (+35%) but faced public ridicule in user comments.”<\/p>\n

Zambia Daily Mail,State-Owned Print \/ Digital Outlet,Direct Pro-Government \/ PF Bias,Non-compliant with public service standards; functioned as a political mouthpiece for the incumbent administration.,”Out of 91 political publications on Facebook (July 26\u2013Aug 8, 2021),\u00a0 53 were positive toward ruling PF\u00a0 vs.\u00a0 5 positive toward UPND . Continuously amplified pro-PF alliance narratives and political messaging.”<\/p>\n

Times of Zambia,State-Owned Print \/ Digital Outlet,Direct Pro-Government \/ PF Bias,Non-compliant with objective journalism standards; exhibited systemic bias toward the ruling party.,”Mirror-imaged the pro-government coverage patterns of the\u00a0 Zambia Daily Mail , suppressing opposition perspectives and prioritizing executive campaign activities.”<\/p>\n

Prime TV \u00a0 (Contextual Benchmark),Private Television Broadcaster,Critical of Government \/ Independent,Statutory license arbitrarily revoked by the Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) in April 2020.,”Forced off the air prior to the election following continuous executive pressure, government ad bans, signal removal, and dispute over free COVID-19 ad broadcasts. License restored post-election.”<\/p>\n

The Post \u00a0 (Contextual Benchmark),Private Newspaper,Independent \/ Opposition-Aligned,Formally shut down in June 2016 under executive pressure preceding the 2016 election.,”Closed under tax debt liquidations, removing the primary print platform for opposition voices prior to the 2016 and 2021 electoral cycles.”<\/p>\n

This capture of state media assets by ruling political cadres produced severe systemic risks for democratic governance. By converting public broadcasters and news publishers into partisan promotional mechanisms, the state created a “verificatory vacuum.” Verified, factual information regarding policy choices and electoral platforms was replaced by unverified executive claims, low-integrity political polling, and state-driven disinformation. Opposition political parties were systematically denied equitable access to state communication networks, directly undermining their constitutional rights to association and assembly while restricting the electorate\u2019s access to unbiased political information. When public institutions tasked with delivering neutral information become conduits for partisan campaigns, public trust in democratic institutions degrades, leaving the public sphere vulnerable to polarization, cadre-led intimidation, and political instability.<\/p>\n

This operational bias within state media is directly sustained by legislative loopholes and statutory ambiguities that invite executive interference, underscoring the urgent necessity for a comprehensive legislative reform agenda.<\/p>\n

2. Legislative Overhaul: Statutory Editorial Autonomy and Legal Harmonization<\/h4>\n

Dismantling executive capture and establishing enduring guarantees for press freedom, digital expression, and public access to information requires sweeping statutory reform. The primary legislative objective is to eliminate statutory contradictions that allow state media to operate under direct executive patronage while subjecting private outlets to punitive regulatory enforcement.<\/p>\n

To achieve structural parity across the media ecosystem, state-owned communications entities must be brought under a unified, independent regulatory framework. A comprehensive regulatory harmonization strategy requires placing the\u00a0 Zambia National Broadcasting Corporation (ZNBC) , the\u00a0 Zambia Daily Mail , and the\u00a0 Times of Zambia\u00a0 under the direct, exclusive oversight of the\u00a0 Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) . Conflicting statutory provisions within the ZNBC Act must be repealed to eliminate dual regulatory standards that historically shielded state media from impartial scrutiny. Crucially, bringing state media under IBA purview is designed to enforce public service mandates and political neutrality on state entities, while simultaneously stripping the IBA of its arbitrary administrative powers used historically to shut down private broadcasters such as Prime TV and\u00a0 The Post . Under a harmonized regulatory architecture, state media entities must be legally bound to strict standards of political impartiality and balanced reporting, while private broadcasters are protected from arbitrary license revocations.<\/p>\n

In parallel, legislative harmonization must resolve statutory contradictions within the judicial and dispute resolution frameworks governing elections. Currently, a sharp conflict exists between Article 73(2) of the Zambian Constitution\u2014which mandates that the High Court hear and determine parliamentary election petitions within 90 days\u2014and Section 106(1)(b) of the Electoral Process Act, which creates procedural ambiguity regarding filing and determination timelines. Legislative harmonization must explicitly align all statutory petition rules with constitutional deadlines. Furthermore, structural reforms must institutionalize the procedural advances introduced under Statutory Instrument No. 29 of 2021 (Constitutional Court Amendment Rules), which adopted reliance on affidavit-based evidence to streamline case management and eliminate technical delays that previously prevented petitions from being heard on their merits.<\/p>\n

To clean the broader statutory ecosystem of repressive laws that foster self-censorship, restrict public assembly, and criminalize legitimate journalistic inquiry, Parliament must execute four prioritized statutory reviews:<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. Public Order Act (1955, Sec. 5 & Sec. 5(6)):\u00a0 Codify precise statutory guidelines removing police discretion to arbitrarily deny or cancel public assemblies. Section 5(6) must be explicitly amended to compel law enforcement officers to provide written justifications when an assembly notification is rejected and mandate the immediate provision of a reasonable alternative date in the near future, fulfilling the constitutional thresholds established by the Supreme Court in\u00a0 Law Association of Zambia v. The Attorney General .<\/li>\n
  2. Cyber Security and Cyber Crimes Act (2021):\u00a0 Thoroughly revise the act through open consultation with civil society, media, and legal stakeholders. Statutory definitions of “false information,” “harassment,” “emotional distress,” and “hate speech” must be narrowly defined to eliminate overbroad interpretations used to suppress online speech, aligning the text strictly with Article 20 and Article 11(b) of the Zambian Constitution and Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).<\/li>\n
  3. Data Protection Act (2021):\u00a0 Revise the broad exemptions granted under the rubric of “national security.” Statutory definitions must be narrowed to safeguard individual privacy, secure digital rights, and align with regional standards established under Article 13 of the African Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection, preventing unauthorized state surveillance and phone-hacking practices.<\/li>\n
  4. Penal Code Act & Archaic Statutes:\u00a0 Expunge criminal defamation provisions, Section 155 penal sanctions (anti-LGBT+ provisions used to orchestrate political smears and online disinformation campaigns against opposition leaders), Section 139 (“defilement of imbeciles”), and archaic, offensive language targeting persons with disabilities across the Mental Disorders Act (e.g., “idiots,” “imbeciles,” “lunatics”), the Criminal Procedure Code, and the Prisons Act.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    In tandem with legal harmonization, statutory reforms must address systemic inequities in civic administration, specifically the unequal issuance of National Registration Cards (NRCs) by the Ministry of Home Affairs across provinces prior to voter registration drives. Unequal NRC distribution creates severe voter registration bottlenecks, disproportionately affecting specific regional demographics. Amendments to the National Registration Act must mandate full observer access and independent civil society oversight of all mobile NRC registration exercises ahead of voter registration.<\/p>\n

    Finally, the long-delayed\u00a0 Access to Information (ATI)\u00a0 bill must be enacted by Parliament. Operationalizing ATI legislation will legally mandate proactive disclosure obligations across all government ministries, public bodies, and state enterprises. By establishing an enforceable legal mechanism for journalists, civil society, and citizens to request state-held data, ATI eliminates government information monopolies, provides legal protections for investigative reporters exposing corruption, and equips public media with the factual baseline necessary to refute state-level disinformation.<\/p>\n

    \"\"<\/a><\/p>\n

    Legislative protections, however, remain vulnerable to administrative erosion unless reinforced by independent, depoliticized institutional governance structures.<\/p>\n

    3. Institutional Governance: Independent Oversight, Board Appointments, and Leadership Safeguards<\/h4>\n

    Statutory protections for media freedom are ineffective if governing boards and regulatory commissions remain subordinate to executive power. Insulating state media and regulatory bodies from political interference requires restructuring appointment processes, enshrining statutory self-regulation, strengthening judicial integrity, and establishing legal tenure protections for operational leadership.<\/p>\n

    The foundational step in institutional reform is the establishment of a depoliticized, multi-stakeholder appointment mechanism for members of the\u00a0 Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA)\u00a0 board, the\u00a0 ZNBC Board , and the\u00a0 Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) . The executive branch\u2019s unilateral power to appoint and dismiss board members and electoral commissioners at will must be completely removed from the presidency. Appointments must be conducted through an open, transparent, merit-based framework featuring:<\/p>\n